Browsing by Department "Department of Classics"
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Item Apollo in the Oresteia of Aeschylus(1974) Colbrook, Barbara VeronicaThe purpose of this thesis is to examine the dramatic functions of Apollo in the Oresteia. I attempt to define the contribution that Apollo makes to each play by devoting one chapter to each of the three plays. Thus Chapters II, III, and IV form the main body of the thesis. In Chapter I I assess the use which Aeschylus makes of the traditional views of Apollo as he appears in cult and literature. I demonstrate that Aeschylus is following the tradition in his presentation of Apollo as the god of purification and of prophecy. Moreover Aeschylus, like Pindar and Herodotus, accepts Apollo's authority as a prophet and portrays him as the true spokesman of Zeus. Apollo was also traditionally conceived as a god of healing, and Aeschylus employs this tradition to provide a foil to "Apollo the Destroyer", so emphatically indicated for us by Cassandra and her fate in the Agamemnon. Finally, I discuss the origins of the story of Apollo and Cassandra which is related in the Agamemnon, and conclude that this too must be to some extent traditional. Aeschylus' handling of the story is contrasted with Pindar's treatment of Apollo's relationship with mortal women. Aeschylus and Pindar, I suggest, are alike in their fundamentally anthropomorphic conception of the god. Chapter II, which is concerned with Apollo's role in the Agamemnon, naturally focusses upon the Cassandra-scene. I conclude that the story of Apollo and Cassandra illustrates how mankind, by offending the gods, may encounter the god's violence in place of divine favour. Although Cassandra's suffering is disproportionate to her crime, no criticism is made of the god who inflicted her punishment. Apollo is predominantly portrayed in the Agamemnon as Cassandra's destroyer, but his equal ability to be saviour and healer of mortals is implied, mainly in the first half of the play. In Chapter III, I begin by illustrating how Apollo affects the action of the Choephoroe through the instructions which he gave to Orestes in an oracle. I show how the details of the oracle are gradually revealed in the course of the drama. In the second part of the chapter I attempt to refute Professors Wilamowitz-Moellendorf and Winnington-Ingram, who contend that Aeschylus wishes us to condemn Apollo in this play. I argue, against these critics, that Apollo is portrayed in a favourable light. In Chapter IV I consider the Eumenides, in which Apollo himself becomes one of the actors. I analyse the part which Apollo plays first in the opening scene a t Delphi, and, secondly , in the Trial Scene at Athens. Again, I argue that it is not Aeschylus' intention to criticise Apollo, Apollo is harsh to the Erinyes, one-sided in outlook, and not entirely correct in all his arguments. However these features are not intended to make us suspect the god; rather they are required by the dramatic themes of this final play in the trilogy. In my Conclusion I discuss whether Apollo is portrayed consistently throughout the trilogy, Professors Kitto and Winnington-Ingram have suggested that Apollo alters in the course of the trilogy in character or in attitude. I contend that Apollo does not alter, but that his different dramatic functions require that, first, his capacity for malevolence and, later, his capacity for benevolence predominate. In this thesis I have tried to indicate both the complexity of Apollo's role, and the essential consistency of his character throughout the Oresteia.Item Being and good : a study of the influence of Platonism on St. Anselm(1976) Burton, Rosemary JeanThe aim of this thesis is to examine certain assumptions which emerge very clearly in St. Anselm's writings. These are the belief that things are good by the mere fact of existing, and that they can be arranged in a scale in which degrees of goodness and degrees of existence correspond. These assumptions, it is contended, can be shown to be derived, albeit indirectly, from Plato. The first chapter, after a brief discussion of the sources likely to have been directly available to St. Anslem, and of his attitude towards reason and authority, discusses the evidence for this conception of the correlation of being and goodness in Anselm's earliest major work, the Monologion. It is shown that the arguments for the divine existence given in the Monologion depend upon a theory of universals (realism) which had its origin in Plato, and upon a hierarchical conception of nature derived, by way of the Neoplatonists, from Plato. In this view of the universe God, or the Form of Good, has an existence superior in degree and kind to that of all other beings, which themselves have a greater or lesser degree of both goodness and existence according to the closeness of their resemblance to God or the Good. The second chapter discusses Anselm's Proslogion, and it is argued that Anselm's ontological proof for God's existence also depends upon Platonic realism and upon the doctrine that being itself implies goodness. The concept of a 'necessary existent', known by a priori reasoning, which Anselm regards as a superior kind of knowledge to the reasoning by which we know other things, is shown to have parallels with the Platonic theory of Forms and with Platonic epistemology. The third chapter discusses a group of three of Anselm's dialogues. In the first, De Veritate, the idea of truth is very closely connected to the moral notion of 'rightness', and things are said to be true insofar as they are based upon a supreme reality or truth. These notions, it is pointed out, very clearly recall Plato's doctrine of Forms, especially of the Form of the Good, as being the sources of both the goodness and the reality of particulars. The second dialogue, De Libertate Arbitrii, with its doctrine that the 'power' to do evil is actually weakness, it is shown to contain parallels to with Boethius, Plotinus, and Plato. The third dialogue, De Casu Diaboli, depends, it is argued, upon Platonic and Plotinian ideas of moral evil as a disruption of the natural order, and of the identity of evil and non-being. The conclusion is that there is ample evidence for the influence of Platonic thought upon Anselm. Since the ideas discussed have been shown to have close similarities to those of St. Augustine, who is known to have been strongly influenced by Platonism, it can safely be concluded that the main source for Platonism in Anselm is Augustine, though Boethius probably also had some influence. These Platonic notions are, naturally, considerably altered through being Christianized but are still recognizable as basically Platonic when we meet them in Anselm. This Platonism, it is concluded, though never explicitly acknowledged, constitutes one of the fundamental assumptions of St. Anselm's thought.Item Book VIII of Virgil's Aeneid with special reference to ecphrasis.(1973) Edwards, JohnThe thesis is concerned with the use of ecphrasis in the eighth book of Virgil's Aeneid. It is focused primarily upon the description of the shield of Aeneas (Aeneid VIII, 630-728). My intention is to examine Virgil's use of an existing poetic form, ecphrasis, and to evaluate, by means of comparative literary analysis, his achievement. I commence with the assumption that Virgil's consummate artistry enables him to perfect the rhetorical device of ecphrasis, the first appearance of which, in classical literature, is in Homer's Iliad, XVIII, 483-607, the shield of Achilles. The results of my investigations do not, I think, disappoint this assumption. Because my approach to the problem of evaluating the success of Virgil's use of ecphrasis is comparative, I pursue four separate but interrelated methods of inquiry in the various chapters of the thesis. Firstly, the description of the shield of Aeneas is placed within the context of Book VIII as a whole and a strong argument is constructed for the interpretation of the Cacus episode (Aeneid VIII, 184-279) as a passage which is both preparatory and complementary to this description. Secondly, I relate the climactic ecphrasis of book VIII to other examples of the use of this device in the Aeneid, and demonstrate, by argument and illustration, its superiority over them. Thirdly, the thesis follows the method of comparative analysis through the juxtaposition of Aeneid VIII, 630-728, with Homer's Iliad XVIII, 483-607, with the Pseudo-Hesiodic Shield of Herakles, and with Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica, I, 721-767. Fourthly, the connexions between Aeneid VI, 756-886, and Iliad XVIII, 675-728 are explored in order to explain more fully Virgil's intentions in the shield ecphrasis. In addition, brief appendices are supplied to suggest the general lines along which ecphrasis developed after Virgil both in Roman and in English literature. Passages from Ovid, Claudian, Spenser, Nashe, and Milton are included without comment, with the exception of Milton. The thesis begins with a general definition of ecphrasis based upon relevant passages in J. F. D'Alton's Roman Literary Theory and Criticism and Gordon Williams' Tradition and Originality in Roman Poetry. It differentiates between thematic and ornamental ecphrasis in the Aeneid by means of a discussion of Aeneid V, 249-257. In chapter II a brief comparative study of Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica I, 721-767 and Aeneid I, 453-493 and VIII, 608-731 supplies further evidence for the necessity for the distinction between the two kinds of ecphrasis in classical poetry. Chapter III approaches the problem of the importance of the Cacus episode to book VIII, and especially to the shield description. The relationship between the Cacus passage and Homer's Odyssey is examined and Virgil's use of aetiological themes is discussed with reference to Callimachus, Propertius, Ovid, Juvenal, and Servius. Chapter IV examines some of the connexions between Aeneid VI, 756-886 and VIII, 675-728. The writings of Otis, Poschl, Galinsky, Quinn, and Putnam on this subject are briefly evaluated. Chapter Vis concerned with the relationship of Virgil's Aeneid to Homer's Iliad, with particular reference to the comparison of the ecphrases in Aeneid VIII and Iliad XVIII. Arguments are given to support the conclusion that Virgil's use of ecphrasis in the eighth Aeneid is more thematic than is Homer's in the eighteenth Iliad. Chapter VI evaluates the success of the composer of the Shield of Herakles and maintains the method of comparative analysis which informs the thesis as a whole. Its fundamental importance to the subject> of the thesis is that it supplies an extended example of bad poetry and of mishandled ecphrasis. Virgil's achievement thus is given greater perspective when his readers become cognizant of the difficulties inherent in ecphrastic poetry which he avoided, but which Pseudo-Hesiod did not. Chapter VII analyses in detail Aeneid VIII, 630-728 and is meant both to build upon and to complete the discussions of the preceeding chapters. A political interpretation is given to this supreme example of thematic ecphrasis. The general conclusions of the thesis are twofold: that Virgil did indeed s urpass the achievements of his predecessors in the use of ecphrasis in epic poetry, and that he was able to transform what was, before him, essentially a stylized set piece necessary for the fulfillment of the conventions of e pic poetry into a vehicle not merely of great beauty but of subtle political comment as well.Item Cato, Christ, and Piers : the Disticha Catonis and Christian literacy in Piers Plowman(1995) Baer, Patricia AnnItem Children and toys in the Roman world : a contribution to the history of the Roman family(1993) Shumka, Leslie JoanThe object of this thesis is to collect and analyze evidence on Roman toys and games with a view to establishing the significance of play in the lives of Roman children. The study is set in the context of recent scholarly discussion of child-rearing in antiquity. Evidence of all kinds is considered, but special attention is given to compiling a catalogue of toys from archaeological sources. Chapter 1 begins by raising the question of whether it is feasible to think in terms of a history of ancient childhood, and what approaches might actively be pursued in an effort to reconstruct the world of Roman children. A synopsis of scholarship on childhood in the modern period prefaces an explication of a recent addition to the study of childhood in antiquity. This discussion provides the foundation for contrasting and comparing the methodology of modern and ancient historians in their evaluations of parental and societal attitudes toward children. Examination of expressions of affection, as evinced by two ancient authors from divergent backgrounds, concludes the chapter. Children are plainly regarded by these authors as integral parts of a prosperous social and political life, but also as sources of pleasure, aggravation and even perplexity. The assemblage of literary evidence for toys and games that appears in Chapter 2 is drawn from an extensive range of Republican and Imperial authors, and is organized along very broad lines. A synthesis of the literary material both demonstrates the all-pervasive influence of children in Roman society, and validates the investigation of toys and games as indicators of social attitudes. Furthermore, the analysis accentuates the need for greater focus on two particular issues: parent-child interaction within the context of play and leisure, and recreational space for children. With the literary and historical evidence for toys and games safely established we turn, in Chapter 3, to a profile of the material evidence, which is presented in the form of a catalogue. The chapter stresses the strong correlation between the literary and archaeological records, and furnishes evidence of objects not attested or noted by ancient authors, but which archaeologists generally regard as the playthings of children. A detailed discussion of the archaeological record is conducted in Chapter 4. Origins for toys, technological developments, media, construction methods, along with geographic and chronological concerns are considered in an attempt to explain society's apparent desire to create a variety of appealing toys for its children. Building upon the archaeological and literary framework established in preceding chapters, the fifth chapter explores the potential for socializing Roman children through toys and games. The work of modern child psychologists and sociologists is drawn on to formulate hypotheses on how children developed motor skills and analytical abilities; how boys and girls learned about their sexual and social roles; and how Roman parents ensured that their children acquired requisite social skills while preserving the diversionary aspects of toys and play at the same time. The conclusion is reached that children in Roman antiquity lived in the constant shadow of potentially fatal illnesses and, from a contemporary perspective, experienced a harsher way of life. Nonetheless, it is evident from the toys and games examined in this thesis that Roman children could and did enjoy themselves immensely. A more lighthearted view of Roman childhood can be achieved, and it is clear that Roman parents were very concerned with both the present and future comfort of their children.Item Claudius imperator receptus : innovations in Roman government 41-54 A.D.(1977) Jones, Stephen BeynonItem A commentary on selected Latin poems by Walter Savage Landor(1976) McKinnon, John BruceLandor wrote a large quantity of Latin verse on which virtually no scholarly work has been done. My selection of thirty poems (about 450 lines) tries to be representative of his different approaches to the subject of women. The introduction includes a discussion of Landor's classical background for he was exceptionally well read and thoroughly knew all the major classical poets. The bulk of the thesis is a commentary on the texts of individual poems (prose translations of selected poems are included in an opens with a few general remarks about the interpretation or structure of the poem, it is fundamentally a philological study with special emphasis on prosodiacal and lexicographical features. A number of general characteristics of Landor's Latin verse arise from this study. He was a great craftsman but occasionally made errors, some of which could easily have been avoided. Al though Landor fully utilized his knowledge about the words, phrases and metrical techniques employed by classical poets, his poems never become a patch-work even when he clearly had one specific classical poem in mind. Many of his poems are free from difficulties of understanding; however a number do contain linguistic and structural obscurities which de tract greatly from the overall effect of the work.Item A commentary on Silius Italicus, Punica 13.381-895 : with special reference to language, metre and rhetorical tropes(1978) Bennett, Thomas CyrilSilius Italicus wrote an epic poem on the Second Punic War in seventeen books comprising more than twelve thousand hexameter verses. This commentary deals with 515 of them from Book 13 (ZZ.381-895). Here Silius describes his Nekuia, the Greek technical term for a spiritual seance, wherein the hero, usually at some critical moment of his life, calls up and questions the dead about his future prospects and plans. The Introduction describes the two maj or literary sources of Silius' Nekuia, Odyssey 11 by Homer and Aeneid 6 by Vergil, and shows Silius' use of them. The Commentary consists of a series of notes on the text showing Silius' artistic use of his poetic predecessors' language, in particular Vergil's and Ovid's. Our author, like all Roman poets of the Classical and post-Classical pe riods , had a rhetorical education and would have been extremely familiar with and skilled in the use of tropes and figures of speech. I have attempted, therefore, to identify in the text as many of these as possible and, since most people today are unfamiliar with them, have listed and defined them in Appendix A. Appendix B describes the basic metrical structure of the Latin hexameter. Silius was a highly skilled metrician and prosodist and when he deviated, as all the best poets did at times, from the normal pattern or rhythm of hexameter writing, it was usually for artistic reasons. Note is taken in the Commentary of major rhythmical breaks and the author's use of them examined. Appendices C. 1-9 list some of the means by which Silius, using the techniques developed by Vergil, is able to maintain the hexameter's basic unity while achieving movement of thought from line to line. After taking note in the Commentary of·the rhythmica l device known as the five-worded line, I examine its relationship to the poem in Appendix D, while in Appendix EI treat the ubiquitous styl istic feature of Alliteration or front-rhyme. Since the treatise is mainly a philological study based on a close-reading of Punica 13 , 381- 894, I deal briefly in the conclusion with Silius' relationship to Lucan, the other major post-Vergilian epic poet to include a Nekuia in his poem.Item The conquest of death : some themes in archaic and classical Greek poetry(1976) Koval, John J.This thesis is an examination of sane themes and ideas about death which appear in Greek poetry from Homer to Euripides. My approach is two-fold_ in that I illustrate the skillful technique of poets who treat these themes, and the important Greek moral values which these attitudes towards death reflect. I concentrate on themes that involve two familiar ideas: death is an escape; death is inescapable. The first Chapter deals with poetic expressions of death as a release. I _begin with Homeric examples of the wish to die, and discuss the appearance of this wish in sane fragments of love-poetry. I then move to Greek elegists and their attitudes toward poverty and old age, both painful situations from which death would be sought as an escape. The ensuing section is an appraisal of poetic technique in the use of certain conventional themes on the release of death; it closes with a passage that demonstrates how highly the Greeks valued "honor" and "friendship". A survey of selected Greek tragedies in the Chapter's final section serves to illustrate more clearly the life and death importance of these values; "honor" and "friendship" are worth dying for in Sophocles and, in Euripides, worth living for. Chapter Two is an examination of the manner with which the Greeks came to terms with death: their own, and that of someone dear. The first part concentrates on the persistent poetic expression of the Greek longing for a glorious death, and the effort to avoid "shame"; these attitudes in part explain the soldier's ability to withstand bravely the approach of danger. My primary concern here is the demonstration of the importance of these moral values, and I employ the exhortations and advice in the surviving fragments of the elegiac military protreptic to achieve this goal. F.1nalJ.y, I include a fragment of Archilochus which clarifies the Greek attitude towards fate and also deserves a discussion of poetic technique. The emphasis in the second part of this Chapter is on the poetic treatment of familiar themes of consolation on the death of another. I end with a brief discussion of Euripides' Alcestis, a play that aptly demonstrates the effectiveness with which a skillful poet might utilize traditional themes and also shows human characters face to face with the fact of death, their own and that of others.Item Greek and Latin Roots, Part 1 (Latin) and Part 2 (Greek). Contribution of Greek and Latin to the English Language(2017-09-19) Smith, PeterThis series examines the systematic principles by which a large portion of English vocabulary has evolved from Latin and (to a lesser degree) from Greek. All areas in health, law or the social sciences use specialized vocabulary based on Latin and Greek vocabulary. This open textbook helps you master the vocabulary: how words work and where they come from. The textbook may be of interest to Greek and Roman Studies departments across North America or to healthcare and law programsItem Immigration and integration : the augmentation of Macedon's military population under Philip II and Alexander III(1990) Ross, Richard StevenThis thesis is an examination of the conventional wisdom and methodological approaches that underly a particular part of the scholarly debate surrounding the rise of Macedon in the latter half of the fourth century B.C. The wider debate needs to be intimately connected with an appreciation of Macedon's military strength, which was, in a pre-technological age, largely dependent upon the number of men that could be conscripted into the army. While this relationship has been acknowledged in modern works it has rarely received more than a cursory treatment and even then has been done in such a manner as reveals a simplistic approach to the evidence. Theories have been based upon imperfectly understood evidence - the results have been predictable. As a result of this the first three chapters examine the varying methods that have been employed in an attempt to ennumerate the number of Macedonian soldiers that fought for Alexander III and for his father, Philip II. Chapter 1, "Evidence, Problems and Approaches", aims to create a model that assesses the possible number of Macedonian casualties throughout Alexander's reign. Chapter 2, "The Human Resources of Macedonia", attempts to calculate a total for the Macedonians that fought for both Philip and Alexander and to which the model created in the previous chapter can be applied. Chapter 3, "Demography and Ancient Macedonia", seeks to establish whether the large numbers of Macedonians that, it is argued, fought for their kings, can be accounted for by an internal population boom, generally assumed to be the result of the "peace and prosperity'' established under Philip. As modern historiography has focused almost exclusively on Alexander's military reserves, and rarely on both his and his father's, it is argued throughout that credible results can only be attained if both reigns are examined in tandem. The fourth chapter, "Immigration and Integration within Macedonia 360-323B.C.", presents an argument for substantial immigration of non-Macedonians into Macedonia under Philip. Thus Macedonia is considered to have exploited the worsening social and economic conditions prevalent in Greece during the fourth century B.C. It is suggested that only through such a mechanism, external of Macedonian demographic realities, can the size of Macedonian armies under Alexander be accounted for. The conclusion contains a brief restatement of the various methodological approaches of modern historiography and contrasts it with that employed herein. While the dearth of evidence means that no models can be considered to provide any absolute answer it is to be hoped that those suggested here help represent an advance on previous work.Item Imperial building in Suetonius' Caesares : function and significance(1982) Havers, Colin BruceThe aim of this thesis is to evaluate the information on imperial building activity contained in Suetonius' Caesares, and to ascertain the reasons for his inclusion of this material. The issue of accuracy has often been raised in Suetonian scholarship, usually to the biographer's discredit, but in this instance Suetonius can be shown to have reported his information faithfully. After a brief introduction dealing mainly with the history of Suetonian scholarship, Chapter I examines Suetonius' biographical technique and connects his approach to Roman and Greek strains of biography. Suetonius can be shown to organize the information on his subjects, the first twelve Roman emperors, into chronological and non-chronological portions, the latter into set categories under separate headings. The type of information he includes reflects contemporary views on how the public activities of the emperor were perceived. Many of these views are inferable from coin issues of the early second century A. D., the period when Suetonius was composing. Chapter II analyzes the information on public building in the Caesares. It is determined that Suetonius includes only certain types of buildings within the separate units on opera publica, omitting projects that lack a religious or utilitarian significance. Chapter III assembles a wide variety of purely non-Suetonian evidence, including coins and inscriptions, which shows that the emperor wished certain public works to be associated with his name permanently. The effect of imperial building was thus to perpetuate the emperor's public reputation, and to benefit the populace by providing both the services of buildings themselves and a source of employment for the urban poor. Building programmes created a means by which an emperor's initiative and motivation might be judged by his subjects. In the first century A.D., every emperor built, and his reputation among the populace was in part governed by the type and scale of public works executed. In Chapter IV the roots of this tradition are traced to the monumental building of Hellenistic kings and to the projects of elected officials at Rome during the Republic. In the first century B.C. these discrete elements coalesced in the building projects of Sulla, Pompey, and Julius Caesar, all of whom had special advantages over their predecessors in this sphere. What became a tradition of building on the part of a powerful individual, able to meet the needs of the urban populace at Rome, was inherited by Augustus and his successors. A brief conclusion summarizes the main findings of the thesis. The development of public works as a criterion for assessing an emperor's performance is recognizable in the early second century A.D . Suetonius' use of this convention, therefore , as revealed in his inclusion of the information on imperial building, makes him fully representative of his age as far as the assumptions underlying his portrayal of the emperors are concerned.Item Introduction to the philosophy of Porphyry(1989) Chase, MichaelThis thesis examines the philosophical thought of the 4th century C.E. author Porphyry of Tyre. It is intended primarily as a bibliographical status quaestionis. Since I consider reference material on Porphyry currently available in English to be only partially satisfactory, I have thought it desirable to provide, for the student interested in Porphyry, information on what useful primary and secondary sources may be most profitably consulted, and in what editions Porphyry's own works may be found. Underlying the thesis is the conviction that the picture of Porphyry emerging from the few works in English which deal with him is one-sided. There he is portrayed as a derivative and uninteresting popularizer of Plotinus. I try to show that researches by continental European scholars must cause us to re-evaluate this view. Porphyry, besides being a prolific scholar, is to be considered a creative ethicist and metaphysician, highly influential on the Medieval Latin West, and probably on the Islamic East as well. In Chapter One, I sketch Porphyry's life and times, giving data on the contents and composition of some of his more influential works. Chapter Two deals with 20th-century Porphyrian scholarship. I attempt to describe the conflicting assessments of Porphyry's thought given by Anglo-Saxon and Continental scholars. The one-sided portrayal given by the former is attributed to a positivistic methodology inadequate to deal with the subject at hand. Chapter Three sketches Porphyry's cosmology, ontology and metaphysics, as they have recently been reconstructed by European scholars, especially Hadot. Chapter Four discusses the conflicting interpretations given by modern scholars to Porphyry's influential doctrine of the soul : i ts descent from t he intelligible world through the celestial spheres to incarnation on earth. The role played by the pneuma or astral body during the soul ' s descent, its psychological function during terrestrial existence, and the decisive part it plays in the post-mortem destiny of the soul, are discussed. A brief Conclusion discusses future prospects for Porphyrian studies. Finally, a Bibliography of Ancient Authors gives information on editions and translations of Porphyry's writings, as well as those of his contemporaries, and an Annotated Bibliography gives a critical evaluation of 20th-century secondary literature relevant to Porphyry's life, thought and place in the history of ideas.Item Intrusive flora of economic importance in ancient Italy(1980) Sherwood, Andrew NeilThe aim of this thesis is to determine which plants were imported into ancient Italy , the circumstances permitting the introductions to take place and become established, and the subsequent effects of the intrusive plants upon the native flora and peoples of the peninsula. The introduction provides a brief preface to the mechanics of plant introduction and defines the category of plants and the chronological period examined. This chapter contains a short discussion of the problems encountered in determining the geographical origins of a plant and used t o solve t hem. A brief account of the most important ancient and modern sources of information concludes the chapter. Chapter II is a catalogue of the plant s which are known to be foreign to Italy. Entries are arranged in botanical order and where possible, common and ancient Lat in names a re given. A short description of the functions , importance, date and agent of introduction accompanies each entry. A summary of the pattern of introduction with regard to chronology and economic importance is provided by Table I and its interpretation in chapter III. In chapter IV the factor s which resulted in plant importation and establishment in Italy are examined. Contact with new lands and peoples provided the greatest stimulus for importation. At first, alien plants were introduced by foreign peoples coming to Italy , but as Roman military and political power grew, the Romans penetrated other lands and imported plants into the peninsula themselves. Chapter V reviews the consequences of alien flora upon the countryside and people. Except for relatively small areas, it would appear that native crops were not severely affected by intrusive plants until the first century A. D. In fact, the importation of certain plants probably helped to maintain the fertility of Italian soil and agricultural production. The effect upon the people of the peninsula was direct and important almost from the beginning. The staples of the Italian diet were largely formed from the products of introduced plants and variations in the diet were the result of importations. The change from subsistence to profit farming was made possible by alien flora and created a special problem for Rome--the need to import grain. The summary offers a terse survey of the patterns of plant introduction in the general light of changing Italian culture. It also places t he investigated period within the larger chronological framework of the major waves of plant introduction into Italy in order to illustrate the great importance of this period to the peninsula.Item Love and magic : a social study of Roman erotic defixiones(1996) Ripat, PaulineThe purpose of this thesis is to analyse a collection of forty-six erotic defixiones (curse tablets) found to date in Italy and the western provinces of the Roman Empire for the information they contain concerning affective relationships in Roman society. Though the nature of Roman conjugal and de facto unions has attracted much recent scholarly attention, and while ancient magic in general, and defixiones in particular, have also captured the interest of many scholars, the erotic defixiones of the Roman west have thus far gone largely untapped as evidence to further the understanding of Roman affective relationships, particularly those of the non-elite. The present work seeks to begin to fill this void. Chapter One summarises the major trends of scholarship to date concerning both the study of ancient magical practices and Roman conjugal relationships. It opens with a discussion of the problems of defining "magic" as opposed to "religion" or "science" in the context of Graeco-Roman society, and ancient attitudes towards the idea of magical practice. The second half of the chapter analyses the image of Roman marriage and de facto unions presented by the legal sources and the elite ideology of marriage; modern attempts to deduce the realities of conjugal relations from other source evidence are summarised. Chapter Two describes and analyses the western erotic curse tablets, the material of the study. Topics discussed include trends in chronological and geographical distribution, trends in the desired effect of the tablets, formulaic wording, and the gender ratios of practitioners and victims. The tablets are also placed within the greater context of ancient cursing tradition and ancient defixio usage in general. Chapter Three examines the social significance of the tablets. A discussion of ancient attitudes towards passionate and romantic love precedes the main argument that the tablets represent difficulties which may have been commonly encountered by males and females respectively in the course of their affective relationships. The evidence of the erotic curse tablets suggests that males may have experienced difficulty and a period of powerlessness at the inception of relationships, while females may have had little real ability to maintain pre-existing relationships in the event of infidelity on the part of the males. An inventory of the forty-six tablets follows the main text, and includes a text, a translation wherever possible, and a bibliography for each tablet, in addition to the location of its discovery, its date, and a general description of its appearance.Item The Nabataeans and trade : contributing elements(1992) Dudley, Dennine LynetteThis thesis is an examination of the information which pertains to Nabataean commercial activity. By exploring the factors which influenced their economic prosperity, it will be shown that the Nabataeans' success in this area was due entirely to their own efforts and was not the result of Roman administration. While the trade activities of the Nabataeans are often noted in passing, there is, as yet, no study which deals with the range of problems associated with Nabataean economics. This paper compiles and examines information from ancient sources, archaeological data, ethnographic records, and discussions in modern scholarship to establish an overall view of Nabataean commercial enterprise. Chapters I and II discuss the history, geography and social structure of the Nabataeans in order to provide the background for their commercial activity. Chapter I outlines the history of the Nabataeans and describes the environmental conditions of the regions which they inhabited. Chapter II uses ethnographic parallels and ancient literature and physical remains to create a profile of Nabataean social structure. This chapter argues that the Nabataeans were not simply nomads, but also developed other modes of living which facilitated trade activity. Chapter Ill contains an outline of the routes travelled in the ancient Near East. The development of the Nabataean trade network is examined and the major trade centres are described. The evidence for the geographical distribution of Nabataeans outside of Nabataea is also provided. Chapter IV lists the main Nabataean commodities according to region of origin and considers the general characteristics of the products. Because of their importance to Nabataean trade, frankincense and myrrh are discussed in detail. Chapter V focusses on the technology of Nabataean trade. Maritime shipping and land transport are described and compared with respect to the aromatics trade. The supervision and support system which allowed the trade network to function efficiently are discussed. Information concerning taxation is presented and methods of exchange employed by the Nabataeans are described. Chapter VI considers the problem of Roman involvement in the Near Eastern trade. It is the conclusion of this chapter that Roman administration was not responsible for the commercial success of Nabataea. The history of contact between Rome and Nabataea is outlined and the role of Romans in the Eastern trade is considered. The conclusion contains a brief restatement of the summary findings of the main text. Although the lack of explicit evidence from the Nabataean period means no model of the trade can be accepted without question, it is hoped that the outline provided here will prove a satisfactory base for further study.Item Personal relationships in the Roman family : a profile of the family of M. Tullius Cicero(1985) Clark, Patricia A.The goal of this thesis is to describe in depth personal relationships within the family of M. Tullius Cicero as they are revealed in his private correspondence, and to assess these relationships within the broader social context of late Republican Rome. Attention is directed to expressions of sentiment, the amount of affect perceptible in the relationships and the ways in which affection· :is moderated by societal prescriptions and expectations. The introductory chapter begins by defining the Latin term familia, and then briefly surveys the recent scholarly interest in, and special problems associated with, study of family structure in classical antiquity. Despite a paucity of.evidence and bias in the sources toward political and legal issues and the male viewpoint, a more personalized historical approach is emerging. A synoptic overview follows of the secular institution of Roman marriage; the ideals of marriage, wifely fidelity and submission and the eternal marriage bond, contrast with the realities of frequent serial political marriage alliances and widespread divorce and adultery. Attitudes toward childrearing meant that children of the Roman elite, from birth, .were nurtured by a pool of servile child-minders and were confronted with a set of traditionally prescribed patterns for the course of their lives, together with the expectation that a contribution to familial-prestige and power was the preeminent goal of adult life. In Chapter II Cicero's relationships with his wives are assessed; the most detailed evidence is provided by his letters to Terentia. Their time together was broken by Cicero's prolonged absences abroad which produced strains. The nature of their joint and separate decision-making spheres, Cicero's expectations of Terentia and the content of their communications are investigated. Finance, property, political events and the security and future of their children were primary shared concerns. Direct expressions of affection were rare, confined to the early letters from the exiled Cicero and largely consisted of praise for Terentia's performance in the role of materfamilias. The marriage seems to have a managerial rather than companionate .character. Cicero's divorce and remarriage, which were undertaken for a mixture of social, financial and political reasons, are discussed finally. In Chapter III Cicero's attitudes toward his children are examined. His son Marcus began to receive significant parental attention when consideration had to be given to his education. Throughout the correspondence Marcus' education and preparation for public life are constant elements. Marcus' early life was spent under the care of tutors and pedagogues, but at times his father's personal supervision is evident: Cicero instructed Marcus on vacation and took his son with him to his proconsular province for training. Cicero's expectations for Marcus governed their relationship in later years; Cicero carried out the traditional parental officium in preparing Marcus for a public career, and acquired for him a municipal aedileship during a time of severe political turbulence; further, Cicero arranged for Marcus' philosophical and oratorical training at Athens in a style appropriate to a scion of a consular family. The nature of Cicero's relationship with Tullia is evident in the consistently affectionate language employed of her throughout the correspondence. Tullia's early childhood relationship with Cicero is conjectural, but if we compare Cicero's relationship with young Attica, and with Tullia i n later life, he appears to have been openly affectionate and concerned for her health and well-being. For most of Tullia's life Cicero's concerns centered upon her marital prospects and each of her betrothals, marriages and divorce(s) is discussed in detail . Family prestige, advancement, even survival, were key considerations in these alliances, but Tullia's personal feelings were not ignored . In her final years she enjoyed a close companionate relationship with her father. Her death precipitated a powerful reaction in him, and Cicero ' s modes of coping with this grief are examined in detail. The Conclusion summarizes the nature of the several familial relationships and describes the kinds and degree of sentiment visible in each. Finally, some assessment of the typicality of the personal relationships in Cicero's family is attempted : although affection and sentiment are visible as elements in each relationship, less so with Terentia and more so with Marcus and especially Tullia, their expression is strongly channelled and moderated by socially prescribed roles and the onmipresent expectation that familial requirements are of paramount importance in the life of the individual.Item Plataïka : the topography and remains of the region of Plataiai, with an historical introduction(1977) Hunter, Robert OwenPlataiai is most remembered for the battle of 479 B.C. where victorious Greeks began a process of reversing the encroachment of eastern arms and ideology on to European soil, and for the Games of Freedom which were at that time instituted at Plataiai and have survived as a reminder of the process and its continued impact and validity. The importance of the city and her territory is extensively documented in the works of the ancient Greek historians -- so much so that Herodotos devoted more attention to events in the Plataian region than in any other, while after him Thoukydides came little short of the same intensity. Nonetheless, the historical fame accorded her by the two major historians is but a part of Plataiai's history, a part which in isolation from the whole, proffers a false impression of a constantly democratic city continuously struggling against the malevolence of neighbouring Thebai and habitually nurtured by the patronage of Athenai. The purpose, then, of confining that impression within the context of her entire history, and thereby exposing the fallacy, guides the present history. The historical introduction complements the subsequent topographical survey, in forming a unity wherein the former elucidates the latter and vice versa. The survey, accompanied by maps and plates, guides the reader through the region and its residua, while constantly relating the visual to the historical. The city site and walls, better preserved than is the case for most ancient Boiotian settlements, are compared in their present condition and location with the findings of the American excavations of the previous century. The comparison has prompted a reappraisal and consequent divergence from the urban circuit formerly reported, with the further result that revisions regarding the physical size and situation of the city through various periods from the sixth century B.C. to the fifteenth century A.D. are proposed. In the greater region beyond the ancient city and modern town, ruins and sherd concentrations are connected with the names of historically known habitations with specific elaboration on the identification and location of the ancient settlements of Hysiai, Erythrai, Skarphe and Skolos. The process of identification, however, is not restricted to a sole concern with demographic shifts within the region, but is extended to a consideration of various regional features which may be associated with the Plataian record within a time span which stretches for more than three millennia from the legendary to the historical. Some of the topographical study evaluates those identifications of previous scholarship which have continued to be questioned; some of the research involves itself with interpretations and material which is presented for the first time. The ultimate goal has been to offer a connection between event and place, whenever there is sufficient topographical and historical reference to do so.Item Poetic responses to the Battle of Actium : a study of Horace, Vergil, and Propertius(1992) Smulders, David AnthonyItem Poisons and poisoning among the Romans(1994) Richards, Elizabeth JenniferThe purpose of this thesis is to explore poisons and poisoning in Roman antiquity - to find out what poisons were available and possibly used, to try to establish the identity, toxicity, and effectiveness of orally administered toxic substances, and to discuss the social and political context of intentional poisoning. The best sources of information on the poisons themselves are the medical and pseudo-scientific writers. The Roman historians and biographers are useful for their accounts of alleged incidents of intentional poisoning, but their reliability is very difficult to establish. Modern sources of toxicological information were used in an attempt to understand the toxicity of the poisonous substances. A variety of poisons was available to the Romans, but it is unclear how often and to what effect poisons were used. Chapter I, the introduction, elaborates on the focus of the thesis - the types of poisons and poisoning included and excluded and the main chronological period. Methods and some of the problems in researching the topic are mentioned. This chapter also includes a brief survey of some of the ancient sources and a summary of general toxicology. Chapter II covers the botanical sources of poison. Brief surveys of climate and plant toxicity are followed by the main poisonous plants of antiquity - hemlock, aconite, the nightshade family, autumn crocus, hellebore, poppy, yew, and a particularly toxic mushroom. Chapter III explores metallic (with a focus on lead) and animal sources of poison. It also covers substances that were thought to be poisonous in antiquity but were probably not. Chapter IV examines the remedies of the ancient world and also ways of avoiding being poisoned. The ancients were aware of the most important and effective treatment for oral poisoning, but they also believed in the power of amulets and talismans as preventatives. Chapter V deals with alleged motives for poisoning, ways of acquiring and administrating poison, and superstitions and theories surrounding poisons and poisoning. This chapter also contains a brief summary of the thesis.