Head-Dependent Asymmetries in Central Salish Prosody

dc.contributor.authorThompson, Cynan
dc.date.accessioned2024-03-17T03:16:34Z
dc.date.available2024-03-17T03:16:34Z
dc.date.issued2024
dc.description.abstractThis research presents an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis of three prosodic systems found in a number of Central Salish languages. The mapping of moraic structure to foot structure shows a parallel pattern whereby the head syllable licenses more complex moraic structures than the dependent syllables. The difference between head and dependent syllables can be enforced by moraic coercion, where a post-schwa intervocalic resonant is incorporated into the head syllable in Sḵwx̱wú7mesh (see Dyck, 2004). It also accounts for compensatory lengthening in ʔayʔaǰuθəm (see Blake, 2000) and foot-form in SENĆOŦEN (see Leonard, 2019). There is variation in how the head syllable expresses complexity, but interestingly, the dependent is banned from any (complex) moraic structure. These patterns are formalized in OT by a constraint which penalizes dependents that have a moraic content equal to, or greater than, their heads.
dc.description.reviewstatusReviewed
dc.description.scholarlevelUndergraduate
dc.description.sponsorshipJamie Cassels Undergraduate Research Awards (JCURA)
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/1828/16186
dc.language.isoen
dc.publisherUniversity of Victoria
dc.subjectlinguistics
dc.subjectphonology
dc.subjectIndigenous language
dc.titleHead-Dependent Asymmetries in Central Salish Prosody
dc.typePoster

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