Theses (Greek and Roman Studies)
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Item The production, trade, and consumption of pictorial pottery in Late Helladic IIIC(2024) Watts-Wooldridge, Ben; Van Damme, TrevorThe collapse of the Mycenaean palatial administrations at the end of the 13th century BCE marked a period of significant transformations in social organization and interregional mobility across mainland Greece. The developments and innovations of this period were accompanied by the revival of Mycenaean pictorial style pottery. This decorative style employed figural motifs on vessels primarily intended for use in commensal social activity and was produced and traded across mainland Greece. Its study thus prompts consideration of regionalism, social ideology, and exchange in the post-collapse period: the present thesis examines the 12th century BCE rise of the pictorial style in the context of these themes. I utilize the pictorial style pottery from the post-palatial settlement of Eleon in Eastern Boeotia as a primary case study. Among the large corpus of Late Helladic (LH) IIIC ceramics unearthed at the site is included a sizable and unpublished body of pictorial style pottery comprising 50 fragmentary vessels decorated with a variety of figural motifs. The study of pictorial pottery has historically focused on iconographic analysis and elements of stylistic development, often without consideration for the relationship between iconography, the site of production, and the movement of the pottery itself. Drawing on previously published neutron activation analysis conducted on ceramic materials from Eleon, the thesis responds to this trend in the scholarship by presenting the results of a macroscopic fabric study, integrated with iconographic analysis, that allows for attribution of provenance to the pictorial style pottery from the site. I contextualize my findings by comparing Eleon’s pictorial pottery with that from Lefkandi and Mycenae, highlighting the stylistic trends and interregional motif preferences present in the post-collapse landscape. My macroscopic fabric study attributes a significant portion of Eleon’s pictorial pottery to Euboean production centers, attesting to a high degree of interregional exchange. This is corroborated by stylistic elements associated with the Euboean workshops. Eleon’s locally produced pictorial material reflects the predilection of Boeotian workshops for producing fish and bird motifs, while the Euboean workshops are shown to be the exclusive source of chariot and horse iconography consumed in LH IIIC Boeotia, supporting the recent suggestion that a limited number of centers produced chariot kraters. Stylistic continuity and reflections of palatial iconography in the pictorial art of post-palatial communities are also suggested to be indicative of a relationship between workshops of the pre- and post-collapse periods. Lastly, I investigate the function of pictorial pottery within post-palatial communities. The main shape decorated at all sites is the ring-based krater (FS 281/282), a vessel used for the mixing of wine. Contextual analysis of the pottery shows that it is found primarily in domestic structures and more rarely shrines. I therefore propose that pictorial iconography was primarily seen during communal acts of drinking across Greece and less often in ritual contexts at sites such as Eleon and Kalapodi.Item Something for everyone : Plautus and his heterogeneous audience(1998) Wilson, Paul FrancisThis thesis examines the work of the late third and early second century B .C. Roman comic poet Plautus, and in particular considers the question of whether any serious, sophisticated or thought-provoking themes which Plautus might have included in his comedies could have been appreciated by members of his original Roman audience. In the first two chapters, textual evidence from antiquity and modem psychological theory are used to establish the existence of conditions which suggest the heterogeneous appreciation of Plautus' comedies by members of his original Roman audience. From these conditions, the case for the appreciation of serious, sophisticated or thought-provoking themes by members of Plautus' original Roman audience is given strength. In the final three chapters, interpretative treatments of three Plautine comedies (the Menaechmi, the Amphitruo and the Asinaria) are offered in order to demonstrate the possible existence of serious, sophisticated and thought-provoking themes within Plautus' comedies.Item Real and theoretical boundaries : human geography in Herodotus(1998) Small, Margaret AnnHerodotus' interest in the geography of the world was governed by his fascination with humanity. To his mind humans and their environment were interrelated. In an era when the majority of geographical writing did not focus solely upon the human world, but set this world into a universal context, Herodotus studied only the inhabited world, the oikoumene. Herodotus saw the world as divided into loosely-defined zones of inhabitation. At the heart of the world lay Greece, a region where owing to climate and environment the people were the bravest. Greece provided the standard of normality. The further one ventured from this region the more bizarre the inhabitants; their characteristics were determined by the region they inhabited. At the furthest reaches of the oikoumene the lands were weird and wonderful their inhabitants correspondingly peculiar and almost unhuman. Beyond these regions lay the eremoi territories - uninhabitable regions which thus provided boundaries to the world and to investigation. Once outside the inhabited world certainty was impossible so all knowledge must be based to a greater or lesser degree on speculation. Herodotus, who placed importance on investigation rather, did not discuss any region outside the realm of potential investigation. Nonetheless, although Herodotus placed importance upon the idea of investigation, he did not adhere strictly to the principle of empiricism, but was influenced by the philosophical beliefs of his day. Like the majority of intellectuals of his day he believed in the idea of limit, demonstrating that all ethnographically - determined regions were separated from one another by natural boundaries which could not be transgressed without repercussion. The theoretical notions of balance, reciprocity, symmetry and limit pervade his geographical thought and provide the means with which he connected humans and their environment. This thesis begins with a survey of the major trends in Herodotean scholarship over the last century. While not specifically geographically oriented this scholarship has provided much background material for the study of Herodotean geography. The thesis continues with a study of the geographical ideas extant at the time of Herodotus. Although Herodotus used the empirical information which was filtering into Greek geographical writings, he derided the majority of his predecessors' ideas because they seemed to him speculative, founded either upon theory or myth. Chapter Three is a discussion of the outer boundaries of the world as described by Herodotus who had rejected the traditional theoretical idea of Ocean as unfounded. The eremoi regions at the edges of the oikoumene formed these boundaries. The idea of zones of inhabitation is also important in this chapter, since the eremoi were bordered by the dehumanising eschatai regions. Although the existence of these eremoi regions was supported by investigative knowledge, in describing their role as limits Herodotus also resorted to the more theoretical ideas of symmetry and balance. Chapter Four is a study of the importance of natural boundaries in the Histories. Humans who tried to cross them in an act of aggression were hubristically attempting to exert their authority over nature and consequently suffered the penalties ordained by natural law. The limits were discernible by investigation, but the moral implications for transgressing them were the product of theory not investigation. An examination of Herodotus' perception of the relationship between race and environment follows. Contrary to the popular ethnographic theory of a polarity between Greeks and barbarians, Herodotus adopted a theory of environmental determinism which accounted for the racial variety which he perceived in barbarian races. The conclusion shows how these disparate aspects of Herodotus' geographical thought were related to one another, particularly by his belief in balance and reciprocity. It further demonstrates how Herodotus saw that the consequences of the violation of natural boundaries provided a lesson to the aggressive Athenians and Spartans of his own time that conquest brought inevitable repercussions for the aggressor.Item Love and magic : a social study of Roman erotic defixiones(1996) Ripat, PaulineThe purpose of this thesis is to analyse a collection of forty-six erotic defixiones (curse tablets) found to date in Italy and the western provinces of the Roman Empire for the information they contain concerning affective relationships in Roman society. Though the nature of Roman conjugal and de facto unions has attracted much recent scholarly attention, and while ancient magic in general, and defixiones in particular, have also captured the interest of many scholars, the erotic defixiones of the Roman west have thus far gone largely untapped as evidence to further the understanding of Roman affective relationships, particularly those of the non-elite. The present work seeks to begin to fill this void. Chapter One summarises the major trends of scholarship to date concerning both the study of ancient magical practices and Roman conjugal relationships. It opens with a discussion of the problems of defining "magic" as opposed to "religion" or "science" in the context of Graeco-Roman society, and ancient attitudes towards the idea of magical practice. The second half of the chapter analyses the image of Roman marriage and de facto unions presented by the legal sources and the elite ideology of marriage; modern attempts to deduce the realities of conjugal relations from other source evidence are summarised. Chapter Two describes and analyses the western erotic curse tablets, the material of the study. Topics discussed include trends in chronological and geographical distribution, trends in the desired effect of the tablets, formulaic wording, and the gender ratios of practitioners and victims. The tablets are also placed within the greater context of ancient cursing tradition and ancient defixio usage in general. Chapter Three examines the social significance of the tablets. A discussion of ancient attitudes towards passionate and romantic love precedes the main argument that the tablets represent difficulties which may have been commonly encountered by males and females respectively in the course of their affective relationships. The evidence of the erotic curse tablets suggests that males may have experienced difficulty and a period of powerlessness at the inception of relationships, while females may have had little real ability to maintain pre-existing relationships in the event of infidelity on the part of the males. An inventory of the forty-six tablets follows the main text, and includes a text, a translation wherever possible, and a bibliography for each tablet, in addition to the location of its discovery, its date, and a general description of its appearance.Item The Roman bath-house at Humeima in its architectural and social context(1996) Reeves, Mary BarbaraIn early second century Provincia Arabia, a Roman fort was built next to the Nabataean settlement of Hawar (Humeima in modern Jordan). Excavation indicates that Hawar's fort complex contained many of the components traditionally associated with Roman forts, including an external bath-house. This thesis places Hawar's bath-house in both its architectural and social-cultural context. The first goal is achieved by comparing this bath-house with 172 other baths associated with Roman forts, and with 175 baths in the ancient Near East. The analysis reveals that this is a typical Roman military bath. The second goal, to recreate the bath's social context, is approached by considering evidence from other sources about the purpose of this building, who used it, when it was used, and how it was used. Two appendices contain catalogues of comparative bath material. A third appendix argues that this Roman bath was used into the early Islamic period (c. 687-750).Item Some aspects of the choral odes of Seneca's Thyestes(1976) Millar, ElizabethThis thesis offers an examination of the dramatic, poetic and philosophical' aspects-of the four choral odes in Seneca's Thyestes. A chapter is devoted to each of these aspects. Criticism of the Thyestes, and of the other tragedies, has tended to discredit Seneca as a dramatist, some critics stressing a philosophical influence on the plays, while others concentrate on making comparisons between the Senecan plays and Greek precursors. Although some critics do find merit in the tragedies, the majority have denied Seneca's work much dramatic or literary value. In this thesis; therefore, I show that Seneca's Thyestes is a play which provides firm evidence of the author's excellence and finesse as a writer of drama. In Chapter I, I discuss the dramatic aspects of the odes, indicating that the structure of the play relies on a thematic basis rather than on a continuous action or plot. The odes play a significant role in this structure, being closely connected with the action and highlighting its important elements. A notable feature of the play is the many deliberate verbal echoes between certain characters and the Chorus. Where such similarities occur between ode and Act, there is also a marked ironic contrast. This type of contrast is evident in Odes I to III, while Ode IV performs a slightly different function. The Chorus_ pursue one train of thought, peace and security, but the possibility of such ideals being attained is denied by the events in the play. It is only in Ode IV that the Chorus realise the true situation, and here they resign themselves to facing total destruction. The subsequent irony is that though Atreus achieves all his evil wishes, the world does not in fact come to an end. In my examination of these aspects of the odes, the verbal echoes and the irony, I attempt to show that the odes are highly relevant to the structure of the play. The poetic elements of the odes are examined in two sections in Chapter II. In Part I, I discuss Seneca's use of metre, language and rhetorical tropes. Seneca's use of metre has been much criticised for monotony and dullness. I attempt to show that his handling of metre does have its virtues, while the other aspects display his poetic abilities convincingly. I offer also some discussion on the place of rhetoric in Senecan drama, since· criticism has tended to find fault with this element. In Part II, I discuss some parallel passages between Seneca's odes and works by Horace and Virgil in order to show that certain suggested borrowings do not exist, while the genuine borrowings have been carefully integrated into the particular context. Chapter III is devoted to the philosophical aspects. The moralising nature of the odes is closely examined to determine whether they reflect theories from any particular school of philosophy or whether the origin of their material is literary and traditional. Certain critics have placed undue emphasis on Seneca's interest in the doctrines of Stoic philosophy and assumed that Stoic theories have influenced the Thyestes. My approach in this Chapter is, therefore, initially a negative one, to show that Seneca's ideas in his prose works are not entirely Stoic and that the Thyestes is not intended to portray Stoic theories. While the odes form the focal point of the discussion, the rest of the play and the characterisation of Atreus and Thyestes are also discussed. The presentation of the two main characters i s seen to show conclusively that Stoicism has not influenced the composition of the play. More positively, I suggest that the bulk of the material in the odes, and in the play, is derived from a literary tradition and that Seneca has composed a well-constructed play containing a penetrating study of human passion.Item A commentary on selected Latin poems by Walter Savage Landor(1976) McKinnon, John BruceLandor wrote a large quantity of Latin verse on which virtually no scholarly work has been done. My selection of thirty poems (about 450 lines) tries to be representative of his different approaches to the subject of women. The introduction includes a discussion of Landor's classical background for he was exceptionally well read and thoroughly knew all the major classical poets. The bulk of the thesis is a commentary on the texts of individual poems (prose translations of selected poems are included in an opens with a few general remarks about the interpretation or structure of the poem, it is fundamentally a philological study with special emphasis on prosodiacal and lexicographical features. A number of general characteristics of Landor's Latin verse arise from this study. He was a great craftsman but occasionally made errors, some of which could easily have been avoided. Al though Landor fully utilized his knowledge about the words, phrases and metrical techniques employed by classical poets, his poems never become a patch-work even when he clearly had one specific classical poem in mind. Many of his poems are free from difficulties of understanding; however a number do contain linguistic and structural obscurities which de tract greatly from the overall effect of the work.Item Self-construction in Senecan tragedy, with special reference to Medea and Phaedra(1993) McElduff, Siobhan RachelThe aim of this thesis is to illustrate a particular and prominent element in Senecan tragedy, the element of self-construction. By discussing the characters in relation to their process of self-construction (the process by which a character attempts to create a secure and independent identity in the course of a drama), I hope to illuminate a hitherto largely ignored feature of Seneca's dramaturgy. Chapter one focuses on former scholarly critiques of Senecan tragedy and shows that there is a Renaissance in the field of Senecan drama and an increasing number of favourable critical studies available to the reader. It discusses both those who believe that the plays are important as Stoic dramas or historical documents, and those who have more literary concerns (such as an interest in the self-reflexive nature of Seneca's characters). It concludes with the assertion that the plays are extremely concerned with the establishment and maintenance of a secure, self-assured persona, which is constructed in the course of the drama and whose function is to enable the characters to obtain their deepest wishes and to protect themselves against the claims of society. Chapter two lists and illustrates the materials of self-construction and shows how they are utilized throughout Seneca's dramatic corpus. The materials of self-construction are often such things as the emotions, the soul, or the name (often used as shorthand to represent an entire literary-mythological tradition) and precedents in the history of the family or the individual which are used self-consciously by the characters to build a powerful identity that can withstand the claims of others. Next the thesis turns to Medea and Phaedra (in chapters three and four respectively) to portray how the process of self-construction works in two specific characters. Phaedra, because of her inability to fashion herself on any single model for a continuous time, is weak and ineffective and unable to consummate her desire for her stepson Hippolytus. She attempts to employ the materials of self-construction outlined in chapter two but is unable to use them to create a coherent identity. Medea fashions herself primarily on her monstrous literary-mythological tradition and, using this as her model, constructs an identity. Chapter five looks briefly at Seneca's Stoicism to see if there is any common ground between the philosophy and the plays. His Stoicism is seen to be concerned mainly with the individual and the care of the self, which should be shaped and trained into the correct mold: the wise man is one who looks inwards and finds satisfaction inside himself and who is indifferent to the world. Despite some surface similarity between the sage and the dramatic characters, it is likely that all the tragedies and the philosophy share is an extreme concentration on self and the belief that the self can be shaped into whatever form we wish. Finally, I conclude with a summary and some suggestions on the meaning of self-construction. Self-construction rests upon a belief in the importance of the self and assumes that the needs of the self are more important than the claims of society. In addition, I argue it is a heroic pose and should be recognized as such; it inspires admiration as well as abhorrence. However, despite its heroic nature, self-construction is doomed to failure because the self cannot live up to all the demands made of it, and, most importantly, the self is not a perfectible object.Item The relationship between sophia and phrēn in the Bacchae of Euripides(1980) Knight, Patricia DianeItem Claudius imperator receptus : innovations in Roman government 41-54 A.D.(1977) Jones, Stephen BeynonItem Plataïka : the topography and remains of the region of Plataiai, with an historical introduction(1977) Hunter, Robert OwenPlataiai is most remembered for the battle of 479 B.C. where victorious Greeks began a process of reversing the encroachment of eastern arms and ideology on to European soil, and for the Games of Freedom which were at that time instituted at Plataiai and have survived as a reminder of the process and its continued impact and validity. The importance of the city and her territory is extensively documented in the works of the ancient Greek historians -- so much so that Herodotos devoted more attention to events in the Plataian region than in any other, while after him Thoukydides came little short of the same intensity. Nonetheless, the historical fame accorded her by the two major historians is but a part of Plataiai's history, a part which in isolation from the whole, proffers a false impression of a constantly democratic city continuously struggling against the malevolence of neighbouring Thebai and habitually nurtured by the patronage of Athenai. The purpose, then, of confining that impression within the context of her entire history, and thereby exposing the fallacy, guides the present history. The historical introduction complements the subsequent topographical survey, in forming a unity wherein the former elucidates the latter and vice versa. The survey, accompanied by maps and plates, guides the reader through the region and its residua, while constantly relating the visual to the historical. The city site and walls, better preserved than is the case for most ancient Boiotian settlements, are compared in their present condition and location with the findings of the American excavations of the previous century. The comparison has prompted a reappraisal and consequent divergence from the urban circuit formerly reported, with the further result that revisions regarding the physical size and situation of the city through various periods from the sixth century B.C. to the fifteenth century A.D. are proposed. In the greater region beyond the ancient city and modern town, ruins and sherd concentrations are connected with the names of historically known habitations with specific elaboration on the identification and location of the ancient settlements of Hysiai, Erythrai, Skarphe and Skolos. The process of identification, however, is not restricted to a sole concern with demographic shifts within the region, but is extended to a consideration of various regional features which may be associated with the Plataian record within a time span which stretches for more than three millennia from the legendary to the historical. Some of the topographical study evaluates those identifications of previous scholarship which have continued to be questioned; some of the research involves itself with interpretations and material which is presented for the first time. The ultimate goal has been to offer a connection between event and place, whenever there is sufficient topographical and historical reference to do so.Item The programmatic poems of Propertius, Book 4(1986) Hunt, Edmund T.This thesis clarifies the methods that Propertius employed to advertise to his readers the character and purpose of his last book of elegies. Recognising that Book 4 was ostensibly so different in content and design from his previous three books of subjective love-elegy, Propertius predicted the surprise and doubts of his experienced readership and so placed at the start of the book two poems, the first of which elucidated a problem of aesthetics while the second provided the solution and pointed the way to the important and original aspects of Book 4. The introduction establishes the historical and literary context of Propertius' fourth book and explains that the desire to match the political relevance of Virgil's Aeneid, published a few years earlier, within the minute framework and stringent rules of Roman elegy provided the main stimulus to the work. Propertius' problem was how to reconcile the elevated stance of the vatic poet with the literary precepts that characterised his three books of love-elegy. Chapter I then demonstrates that the two contrasting figures of Propertius and Hores, the respective soliloquists of 4.lA and 4.lB, each express one of the opposing forces acting upon Propertius' poetry. A careful study of their words and personalities indicates that their two speeches do not, as is usually claimed , directly programme the mixed content of Book 4. Rather, as a comparison with t he poet's earlier programmatic poems shows , neither Propertius nor Horos has t he authority to order the remaining poems. I show how the poet has, in fact, struck a balance between the two positions, thus suggesting to the reader t at the nature of Book 4 will depend on a reconciliation between the personae of Roman vates and elegiac poet -lover. Propertius ' reader , however, is left wondering what the results of such a compromise might be, and so the poet composed and arranged a second programmatic elegy that would exemplify t he merging of styles and content. Chapter II comprises a detailed study of Vertumnus ' (4 .2 ' s soliloquist) vocabulary and idiosyncrasies that, I suggest, were intended to illuminate different aspects of Propertius' art throughout Book 4. Propertius, in the person of Vertumnus, invites the reader to appreciate his success in combining a serious personal vision of his city's life with the wit, irony, brevity, originality and charm that were the poet's and elegy's prime characteristics.Item Imperial building in Suetonius' Caesares : function and significance(1982) Havers, Colin BruceThe aim of this thesis is to evaluate the information on imperial building activity contained in Suetonius' Caesares, and to ascertain the reasons for his inclusion of this material. The issue of accuracy has often been raised in Suetonian scholarship, usually to the biographer's discredit, but in this instance Suetonius can be shown to have reported his information faithfully. After a brief introduction dealing mainly with the history of Suetonian scholarship, Chapter I examines Suetonius' biographical technique and connects his approach to Roman and Greek strains of biography. Suetonius can be shown to organize the information on his subjects, the first twelve Roman emperors, into chronological and non-chronological portions, the latter into set categories under separate headings. The type of information he includes reflects contemporary views on how the public activities of the emperor were perceived. Many of these views are inferable from coin issues of the early second century A. D., the period when Suetonius was composing. Chapter II analyzes the information on public building in the Caesares. It is determined that Suetonius includes only certain types of buildings within the separate units on opera publica, omitting projects that lack a religious or utilitarian significance. Chapter III assembles a wide variety of purely non-Suetonian evidence, including coins and inscriptions, which shows that the emperor wished certain public works to be associated with his name permanently. The effect of imperial building was thus to perpetuate the emperor's public reputation, and to benefit the populace by providing both the services of buildings themselves and a source of employment for the urban poor. Building programmes created a means by which an emperor's initiative and motivation might be judged by his subjects. In the first century A.D., every emperor built, and his reputation among the populace was in part governed by the type and scale of public works executed. In Chapter IV the roots of this tradition are traced to the monumental building of Hellenistic kings and to the projects of elected officials at Rome during the Republic. In the first century B.C. these discrete elements coalesced in the building projects of Sulla, Pompey, and Julius Caesar, all of whom had special advantages over their predecessors in this sphere. What became a tradition of building on the part of a powerful individual, able to meet the needs of the urban populace at Rome, was inherited by Augustus and his successors. A brief conclusion summarizes the main findings of the thesis. The development of public works as a criterion for assessing an emperor's performance is recognizable in the early second century A.D . Suetonius' use of this convention, therefore , as revealed in his inclusion of the information on imperial building, makes him fully representative of his age as far as the assumptions underlying his portrayal of the emperors are concerned.Item Religion and the Roman soldier at Humayma : the interplay of cultures in Provincia Arabia(2000) Fisher, Barbara JeanThis thesis examines three inscriptions that were found in the principia of the second century Roman fort at Humayina in southern Jordan. Two of the inscriptions are in Greek: one on an intact votive altar, and the other on a small statue base, found broken and incomplete. The third inscription, on a large statue base or platform, is in Latin. This thesis reconstructs and translates the three inscriptions and places them in their social and cultural context. Reconstruction and translation of the texts were made by comparing the inscriptions to other dedications from Jordan, Syria and neighbouring regions for similarities in monument shape, inscription formula and context. I argue that the altar inscription was made to Zeus Megistos Kapitolios, the Greek form for the Roman god Jupiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus. I argue that the Greek inscription on the small, broken statue base was made as a request for the continuing health of the emperor. I also argue that the Latin inscription contains the title for the governor of the province and refers to a statue, most likely of the emperor, which the base once supported and which served as an expression of military loyalty to the emperor as commander of the army. The social and cultural context of the inscriptions is created by examining three aspects of religion and the soldier in Arabia. Firstly, the monuments are examined in relation to what is known of the official or required religious practices in the Roman military from available papyrological, epigraphic and literary sources to place the monuments in their corporate setting and to understand the required religious practices of the Roman soldier in Arabia. Secondly, I examine the inscriptional evidence from Jordan and Syria for the personal religious preferences of soldiers in Roman Arabia. Thirdly, I examine other evidence for religion at Humayma from the Nabataean, Roman, and Byzantine periods to understand the Roman military religion in relation to the changing cultural context at this site. The monuments correspond to the official religious practices in the Roman military which include worship of the great gods, the emperor, his family and ancestors, and celebrations of military identity. The inscriptions in Appendix I reveal that soldiers in Arabia worshipped many traditional Graeco-Roman gods but many soldiers also remained attached to regional eastern gods. Other evidence from Humayma shows an evolution of religion from spontaneous, rural practices to the formalisation of religion within structures and a fixed ritualistic framework.Item Polyphemus in classical literature, with special attention to Ovid's Metamorphoses(1989) Cummings, Michael StephenThis thesis explores the portrayal of the cyclops Polyphemus in Greek and Latin literature, focusing on Ovid, Theocritus, and Vergil. It places Metamorphoses 13.740-899 and 14.158-222 in the context of earlier depictions of Polyphemus in classical literature. In order to establish that context, this paper discusses all major mentions and portrayals of Polyphemus from Homer through to Ovid. Ovid's influence on later depictions of Polyphemus is analysed briefly within an appendix at the end. Chapter 1 covers the portrayals of Polyphemus before Ovid. It has five major sections: Homer, Euripides, satyr drama, Hellenistic poetry, and Vergil. This chapter is primarily descriptive. It determines that Homer, Epicharmus, Euripides, Philoxenus, Theocritus, and Vergil were most responsible for the continued development of Polyphemus as a literary subject. Theocritus and Vergil developed highly original, more human portrayals of the Cyclops as a rustic lover. The chapter illustrates the evolution of Polyphemus from a folktale ogre to a pitiable love-struck shepherd. In order to determine broadly a common vocabulary and set of motifs for Polyphemus episodes, care is taken to indicate which innovations become strongly associated with Polyphemus. Chapter 2 analyses Ovid's two portrayals of Polyphemus and places both in their context within the Metamorphoses. A brief digression on imitation and emulation is included. Detailed analysis of Metamorphoses 13.740-899 reveals it to be a thoroughly Ovidian adaptation of Vergil's Second Eclogue, Theocritus' Idyll 11 and Book 9 of Homer's Odyssey. At the same time, this passage is used to illustrate many characteristic features of Ovid's poetry. Metamorphoses 14.158-222 is shown to be principally an adaptation of a passage in Book 3 of Vergil's Aeneid. The close relationship between Ovid's two Polyphemus passages is illustrated. The chapter closes with a brief survey of other mentions of Polyphemus in Ovid. The appendix provides a survey of post-Ovidian Polyphemus passages from the first century A.D. to Handel's two masques on the story of Polyphemus and Galatea.Item Foedera Naturae : a discussion of natural limits in selected odes of Horace and Seneca's Medea(1997) Beringer, Alison Laura PatriceThe goal of this thesis is to explore the theme of natural limit in selected odes of Horace and in Seneca's Medea. It becomes obvious that these works have a particular relationship to each other, a study of which forms the latter part of the thesis. In the Introductory Chapter the concept of natural limit in Greek and Roman mythology and philosophy is examined. A brief study shows that the theme appears in post-classical and modern works as well, though critics have varied widely in their treatment of it. In particular since the movement of the 1960s towards environmental awareness, the theme is beginning to receive the renewed attention of literary scholars. Chapter Two concentrates on the Horatian material, beginning with a close study of ode 1.3., and an overview of previous interpretations. This section then expands to include several other odes. After close examination of these, I propose that Horace is depicting Nature as an all-encompassing entity, of which humans are participants not controllers. In several odes, the harmony that results for all participants of Nature when natural limits are respected becomes clear. As the depictions of natural limits in the odes often contain Stoic and Epicurean tenets, the chapter ends with a short discussion of these philosophical schools. Seneca's tragedies are the basis for Chapter Three, and after a general survey of the terminology used to depict natural limits and their violation, the focus narrows to Medea. Alongside previous interpretations of the play, the theme of natural limit is examined, especially as it is portrayed in the Argonautic odes. In Medea, the transgression against the natural limit of the sea committed by the voyage of the Argonauts is depicted as a source of further violations, including those within human society. The ultimate destruction to which violation of natural limits can lead is fully portrayed at the end of Medea. Seneca emphasizes that human civilization contains its own downfall. Seneca portrays humankind's transgressions against natural limits more violently than does Horace. Yet he frequently alludes to Horace, and the study of these allusions is the subject of Chapter Four. Against a background of the literary theory prevalent in the first centuries B.C. and A.D., his practice of allusion is examined. Though ancient literary theory is predominantly used, some modern theory is considered, particularly in reference to issues of tradition and originality. The concentration of the chapter, however, lies on the texts themselves and to a large extent on Seneca's use of ode 1.3. It becomes clear that Seneca uses the Horatian material in a manner that emphasizes the hubristic audacia of humans who transgress natural limits. The concluding remarks summarize Horace and Seneca's treatment of the theme of natural limit. Despite the difference In genres, these works have a clear relationship to each other. Familiarity with the selected odes of Horace adds significantly to the interpretation of Seneca's Medea.Item Tiberius and the Roman Constitution(1977) Barnett, Robert TerenceThe thesis attempts to shed light on the ideological, political, electoral, administrative, legislative and legal aspects of the Tiberian constitution, and to demonstrate that Tiberius regarded the state as a functioning, legally sanctioned republic under the princeps' own necessary tutelage. The first chapter deals with Tiberius' republicanism and his view of the state as an oligarchy under supreme authority. It investigates the accession debate in the senate, the Augustan insurance for the succession, and the consequent senatorial opposition to Tiberius' republican administration. In the second chapter a study of the political alliances of the period is used to reveal that, while other leaders drew support from revolutionary sectors, Tiberius maintained his control through the old Republican and Augustan families which had the most to gain from a retention of the status quo. The third chapter, dealing with elections, attempts to show that Tiberius' interference with the senatorial government, although real and to some extent intentional, was necessary for the principate and was exercised in such a way as to ensure good government. Here, as in Chapter I, it may be seen that Tiberius refused to increase his powers at the expense of the senate. In the fourth chapter Tiberius' interference, in this case in the senatorial provinces, is shown as being of a benign and necessary nature. Tiberius insured good government through the promotion of his am i ci which often must have mitigated overt interference, and therefore, possible senatorial resentment. The fifth chapter, on legislation, demonstrates Tiberius' conservatism, as well as his general desire for utility and moderation. The final chapter, on trials, shows Tiberius' exercise of authority on a more personal .level. Generally aloof, Tiberius seems to have supported the laws over personal interests. And again, in certain instances, the emperor showed his desire for moderation, utility, and the maintenance of the state. The thesis set forth is that Tiberius did regard the Roman state as a vestigial republic and treated it as such by moderating and, to some degree, concealing his own necessary interference. Tiberius' ultimate goal must be seen as an attempt to ensure the orderly functioning of government to prevent any recurrence of the military strife which was the very causa sine qua non of the principate.Item Being and good : a study of the influence of Platonism on St. Anselm(1976) Burton, Rosemary JeanThe aim of this thesis is to examine certain assumptions which emerge very clearly in St. Anselm's writings. These are the belief that things are good by the mere fact of existing, and that they can be arranged in a scale in which degrees of goodness and degrees of existence correspond. These assumptions, it is contended, can be shown to be derived, albeit indirectly, from Plato. The first chapter, after a brief discussion of the sources likely to have been directly available to St. Anslem, and of his attitude towards reason and authority, discusses the evidence for this conception of the correlation of being and goodness in Anselm's earliest major work, the Monologion. It is shown that the arguments for the divine existence given in the Monologion depend upon a theory of universals (realism) which had its origin in Plato, and upon a hierarchical conception of nature derived, by way of the Neoplatonists, from Plato. In this view of the universe God, or the Form of Good, has an existence superior in degree and kind to that of all other beings, which themselves have a greater or lesser degree of both goodness and existence according to the closeness of their resemblance to God or the Good. The second chapter discusses Anselm's Proslogion, and it is argued that Anselm's ontological proof for God's existence also depends upon Platonic realism and upon the doctrine that being itself implies goodness. The concept of a 'necessary existent', known by a priori reasoning, which Anselm regards as a superior kind of knowledge to the reasoning by which we know other things, is shown to have parallels with the Platonic theory of Forms and with Platonic epistemology. The third chapter discusses a group of three of Anselm's dialogues. In the first, De Veritate, the idea of truth is very closely connected to the moral notion of 'rightness', and things are said to be true insofar as they are based upon a supreme reality or truth. These notions, it is pointed out, very clearly recall Plato's doctrine of Forms, especially of the Form of the Good, as being the sources of both the goodness and the reality of particulars. The second dialogue, De Libertate Arbitrii, with its doctrine that the 'power' to do evil is actually weakness, it is shown to contain parallels to with Boethius, Plotinus, and Plato. The third dialogue, De Casu Diaboli, depends, it is argued, upon Platonic and Plotinian ideas of moral evil as a disruption of the natural order, and of the identity of evil and non-being. The conclusion is that there is ample evidence for the influence of Platonic thought upon Anselm. Since the ideas discussed have been shown to have close similarities to those of St. Augustine, who is known to have been strongly influenced by Platonism, it can safely be concluded that the main source for Platonism in Anselm is Augustine, though Boethius probably also had some influence. These Platonic notions are, naturally, considerably altered through being Christianized but are still recognizable as basically Platonic when we meet them in Anselm. This Platonism, it is concluded, though never explicitly acknowledged, constitutes one of the fundamental assumptions of St. Anselm's thought.Item The Cultic Significance of Wheelmade Terracotta Figures in Late Helladic III C Eleon, Greece(2024) Galumbeck, Alix; Van Damme, TrevorWithout written records, the evolution of religious practices can only be ascertained from the evaluation of cultic objects. During the Late Bronze Age (1700-1050 BCE) in mainland Greece, a significant shift in ritual practice occurred. With the decentralization of Greek society after the so-called collapse near the end of the Late Bronze Age, it appears that rites previously restricted to palatial centers were now executed at non-palatial areas. Recently discovered artifacts consisting of wheelmade terracotta figures excavated at Eleon, a non-palatial site extant during this period, were evaluated to determine not only their cultic significance but also if distinct cultic spaces were located at this site. The findings were categorized using a novel schema including ritual framing and semiotic analysis. Additionally, the objects were correlated with comparanda from similar sites throughout Mainland Greece, Melos, and Crete to categorize both their typology and ritual significance. Analysis of the data was performed through the lenses of cultic continuity, cultic progression, and regional variation. The results reveal that ritual practices were similar between Eleon and other sites, suggesting that this Post Palatial center had both cultic objects and shrines.Item Stelai in the Shaft Grave Period: A Case Study of Mycenae and Eleon(2024-01-05) Allen, Alyssa; van Damme, TrevorDuring the transition from the Middle Helladic to the Late Helladic period, a number of changes in funerary practice swept across mainland Greece, marking the beginning of the Mycenean period. Among these were the appearance of grave stelai at two sites, Mycenae and Eleon. These stelai are anomalous, and appear almost nowhere else throughout the entire Aegean Bronze Age. As they do not seem to fit in with local funerary practices, their cultural origin, purpose and meaning are open to question. This study analyses the grave stelai at Mycenae and Eleon, with particular attention to how they fit into the wider context of funerary practices of the Early Mycenaean period and how they functioned as a monument within their respective cemeteries. This includes an examination of the changes in funerary practice taking place during this period, a close study of the cemeteries in which the stelai appear, and an examination of the individual stelai themselves, including the iconography of the carved stelai. The results show that although the stelai are unique, they embody many of the larger trends taking place during the Early Mycenaean period, and are best viewed as experimental forays into a new tradition of monumentalized burials intended for generational reuse, ritual performance and elite funerary display within cemetery spaces. While intercultural influences are significant during this period, the totality of evidence points to the stelai being a phenomenon that developed internally within the Aegean mainland, rather than a product of wholesale external influence.
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